As father of the settler movement, Ariel Sharon encouraged tens of thousands of Jews to move into the remote hilltop outposts and small towns that the government built for them. Sharon saw the settlements as vital to the security of the Jewish state. Yet many settlers believe the Prime Minister betrayed their cause when he pulled 8,500 Israelis from the Gaza Strip last year after a 38-year occupation, and today they watch his failing health with a mixture of anticipation and glee.
These settlers now sense a new opening if the Prime Minister’s programme of ceding chunks of territory to the Palestinians stalls. ‘‘The jarring fact is that he was hit from above,’’ said Avraham Hertzlick, a Brooklyn-born shepherd who has lived in this remote settlement for seven years. ‘‘He caused such tremendous pain to thousands of Jews, pain beyond measure. . . . Without a doubt, this was God’s punishment.’’
Sharon’s decision to abandon Gaza was a bow to demographic realities, a historic compromise acknowledging that the dream of a greater Israel was unrealistic. He turned his back on part of his core support, the right-wing settlers’ movement, while giving new life to Israel’s political centre.
As Sharon withdrew from Gaza, his government continued rapid construction in the West Bank, planned thousands of new housing units in settlements and proceeded with the building of a 450-mile concrete-and-metal wall to divide Palestinians and Israelis. The projects have allowed Israel to consolidate its grip on Jerusalem, a city Israelis and Palestinians claim as their capital.
It is not clear what steps Sharon planned next. In broad strokes, he spoke of a partial withdrawal from the West Bank, but at the same time he favored annexing four large settlement blocs and parts of east Jerusalem. He has never specified how much land he would cede, although the path of the wall offers the best hints: As planned, it leaves about 50,000 settlers on the Palestinian side who would presumably have to move. Whatever Sharon’s plans may have been, the prospects for a West Bank withdrawal now seem dimmer. No other politician in the running to replace him is considered sufficiently formidable to execute a disengagement plan. For West Bank settlers, any further pullback would be seen as another betrayal, and many feel like they’ve gotten a reprieve with the all-but-certain removal of Sharon from Israeli politics.
These settlers now sense a new opening if the Prime Minister’s programme of ceding chunks of territory to the Palestinians stalls. ‘‘The jarring fact is that he was hit from above,’’ said Avraham Hertzlick, a Brooklyn-born shepherd who has lived in this remote settlement for seven years. ‘‘He caused such tremendous pain to thousands of Jews, pain beyond measure. . . . Without a doubt, this was God’s punishment.’’
Sharon’s decision to abandon Gaza was a bow to demographic realities, a historic compromise acknowledging that the dream of a greater Israel was unrealistic. He turned his back on part of his core support, the right-wing settlers’ movement, while giving new life to Israel’s political centre.
As Sharon withdrew from Gaza, his government continued rapid construction in the West Bank, planned thousands of new housing units in settlements and proceeded with the building of a 450-mile concrete-and-metal wall to divide Palestinians and Israelis. The projects have allowed Israel to consolidate its grip on Jerusalem, a city Israelis and Palestinians claim as their capital.
It is not clear what steps Sharon planned next. In broad strokes, he spoke of a partial withdrawal from the West Bank, but at the same time he favored annexing four large settlement blocs and parts of east Jerusalem. He has never specified how much land he would cede, although the path of the wall offers the best hints: As planned, it leaves about 50,000 settlers on the Palestinian side who would presumably have to move. Whatever Sharon’s plans may have been, the prospects for a West Bank withdrawal now seem dimmer. No other politician in the running to replace him is considered sufficiently formidable to execute a disengagement plan. For West Bank settlers, any further pullback would be seen as another betrayal, and many feel like they’ve gotten a reprieve with the all-but-certain removal of Sharon from Israeli politics.
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My smile for you. Visiting again , have a nice Sunday, wonderful new week! Hugs Fotis. http://fotisbazakas.blogspot.com
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